How Russian disinformation alters views across Africa

Recently, an image was posted on Facebook to highlight the beauty of Moscow: Modern skyscrapers towering above a marina with white luxury yachts in the soft glow of the golden hour.

However, one important detail in the picture is false: The image was not taken in the Russian capital, but rather in Dubai.

All it takes to verify the picture is a simple reverse image search.

The account from which the image was posted is known for regularly sharing pro-Russian content; its owner calls himself Vladimir Poutine (sic), and features the Russian ruler as its profile picture.

However, the dubious account is apparently operated from the East African nation of Burundi, according to some of the profile information provided such as a phone number.

Over 180,000 people follow the account, which presents itself as a news platform.

Lying optional

There are even more obvious lies on the platform. One of them claims a Russian laser weapon once destroyed 750 American fighter planes.

But not all posts are false and as crude in pursuing the aim of influencing their audience politically; many feature far more subtle messages amid growing indications that Russia wants to project a positive image in strategically important African countries.

It's not always easy to identify the exact source behind the disinformation being disseminated online. However, there are certain trends:

According to a report published in March 2024 by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies — a US military think tank – Russia is now the main agent of such state-sponsored campaigns across Africa.

It found that 80 out of almost 200 campaigns could be attributed to Russia as a state actor — far more than other countries such as China, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia or Qatar.

The organization also highlights that since its previous survey two years earlier, there had been a fourfold increase in deliberate disinformation campaigns documented.

Clumsy fakes like the image of the supposed Moscow marina are actually quite rare in these campaigns.

Rather, the creators behind them use truthful elements which are then distorted by exaggerations or skewed by deliberately omitting relevant information.

Another frequent tactic is to simply exploit and reinforce existing public opinion: "In Africa, there is a natural juxtaposition of East versus West, in which the West is historically the villain," says Aldu Cornelissen, co-founder of the South African digital consultancy Murmur Intelligence.

"You don't need lies or disinformation to remind people of this."             

Disinformation: Think global, act local

Cornelissen's organization focuses on analyzing social networks for various clients, often providing the basis for studies conducted by think tanks. Examining Russia's campaigns in Africa has become par for the course at his offices.

Cornelissen explains the infrastructure of Russia's social media strategy as a "global network of key accounts that are interwoven with other key accounts in the African context."

"From there, local influencers in each country take over the messages and adapt the narrative to the local context."

Beverly Ochieng, a researcher in the Africa program of the US Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) based in Dakar, Senegal, points out a similar example:

"When a civil rights group from Mali posts in Bambara, it doesn't look like it's coming from a Russian civil servant. It looks like a genuine opinion from someone who speaks the local language and knows the sensitivities of the people," Ochieng told DW.

Before, most of these posts were created and shared by a distant troll factory; but now, much of this social media content originates from local people who are familiar with linguistic and cultural dimensions. This is important to ensure the desired message comes across as genuine.

Cornelissen refers to these agents as nano-influencers, and has documented their activities in South Africa.

"All of them are paid. If you pay a thousand people 200 Rand (€10 or $11) each, it's a very cheap campaign to establish a narrative in one day," Cornelissen told DW.

Over time, he says, some people will even adopt the narrative as their own opinion and post such content for free.

What's the buzz?

Then there are so-called "buzzers" whose role is to increase the reach of posts. These are accounts controlled by humans or bots that generate visibility and reach through sharing and reciprocal mentions, thus creating a "buzz."

The Centre for Analytics and Behavioural Change, a non-governmental organization based in South Africa, has documented such a network around the official X account of the Russian embassy in the country.

Some of the key accounts involved in creating buzz around the Russian embassy's account include the pro-Russian and Trump-friendly US activist Jackson Hinkle. A number of South African self-proclaimed "alternative media" sources and activists are also involved.

A web of manipulation

As Russia builds such structures on social networks in the absence of universal regulations, it also establishes and uses direct channels across Africa.

In the Central African Republic (CAR), Russian agents allegedly started the radio station Lengo Songo in the capital Bangui in 2018 to influence public opinion there.

Last November, several European media outlets published an investigative story about a whistleblower who had to flee the CAR after exposing the strategy behind Russia's media operations in the country.

He said his role was focused on arranging pro-Russian experts to feature prominently on the radio station; he would also pen articles as a newspaper journalist, which in part were just shy of being directly dictated by the Russian intermediaries he worked with.

Russia's state broadcaster RT (formerly Russia Today) is also part of the media campaign designed to spread pro-Russian narratives.

In many Western countries, including Germany and the European Union, parts of RT, such as their broadcasts via satellite, have been banned altogether since the Russian invasion of Ukraine three years ago. This also affected RT's operations in much of Africa.

In response, RT announced that it would set up an English-language media center in South Africa, which according to a report by US public broadcaster Voice of America is now in operation.

RT can now be viewed via satellite in several African countries once more.

In francophone Africa, RT also broadcasts in French, where it actively shifts public opinion: In Mali, for example, senior journalists from established outlets like Radio Emergence or L'Elite, praise Russia's actions in the Sahel. Others, who are linked to the Malian junta, also regularly appear as experts.

The US State Department under former President Joe Biden also accused RT of secretly operating other popular sites on the continent such as African Stream.

Meanwhile, other Russian-run channels have also been set up specifically for propagandist use in Africa: The best known example is probably the online news site African Initiative, which reportedly is part of the business empire of the late Yevgeny Prigozhin.

Prigozhin, the founder and leader of the private Wagner mercenary group, had famously challenged President Putin in June 2023, and then died in a plane crash a few weeks later, according to the Russian authorities.

African Initiative, which presents itself as a news agency designed to "build a bridge" between Russia and Africa, operates a number of accounts on Telegram and other social networks — some openly, others more covertly.

In Mali, the group maintains links with a local journalism school; in December, the three best students of the year were recruited directly as correspondents for African Initiative.

Russian propaganda exhibitions in Ouagadougou

African Initiative also has offices in Burkina Faso, where it frequently hosts public events.

In May 2024, the group organized an exhibition in the capital Ouagadougou, for example, where it showed photos highlighting Russia's military prowess, ranging from the "Russian victory over Hitler's Germany" in 1945 to "ten years of war in the Donbass," the territory which Russia seeks to annex from Ukraine.

According to a local source, the Burkinabe population can be "particularly receptive to stories of military victories against terrorists. A video showing equipment supplied by Russia or soldiers equipped with [Russian weapons] can easily be regarded as proof of the effectiveness of this cooperation."

Russia's alleged strength in combat is also a theme that permeates pop culture in Africa: For example, the hero of the Russian action film "Tourist" from 2021 is an elite Russian soldier fighting in the Central African Republic.

And the video game "African Dawn," produced by the African Initiative, allows gamers to slip into the role of the Sahel armies and their Russian helpers — or into that of the West African community of states ECOWAS, which is supported by France and the USA.

Such instances of "militainment" are intended to double-down on the main message Russia is trying to spread, which is that Russia might be a more desirable partner than the West.

(Not-so) subliminal messages

Russian influence campaigns are quick to exploit dissatisfaction with the West.

For example, when French President Emmanuel Macron said on January 6 that Africa's Sahel states had forgotten to thank Paris for stopping them from falling into the hands of militants, there was outrage throughout the region.

African Initiative was among the first platforms that picked up on Macron's comments. It responded with a statement by a political scientist from St. Petersburg, who said there was a growing "need for the emergence of alternative players" such as Russia, which would treat African countries with more respect.

Some of this rhetoric harks back Russia's past influence on the African continent in the 20th century:

"There's no getting around the fact that Russia supported emerging governments in Africa," says Ochieng, referring to the Soviet Union's support of liberation movements like South Africa's ANC and Angola's MPLA, as well as its assistance in young governments in Ethiopia, Somalia and today's DR Congo.

"But there is a notion of sentimental glorification in the idea that Russia remained a friend after being on their side from the beginning. These are not outright lies, but this history is overemphasized [in such narratives] in order to increase anger against France and the West," Ochieng adds.

In many African countries, however, this idea of turning away from the West and towards Russia nonetheless appears to be gaining momentum.

Makan Fofana in Bamako contributed to this article.

This article has been adapted from its German original.